May 2009

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A multiplicity of opinions and texts crosscut, producing an orography assimilated in the discourses and practices,  and thus becoming the rule for assessing the validity of statements and actions in general. In this manner, they become common place and shape common sense. Any apt member of a community of speakers has to address certain topics by recurring to those formulations to be understandable. It is their amalgamation, the accumulation and juxtaposition of diverse texts, – thinkers, pamphleteers, ideologists and reformers-, that configure, despite their divergence, a possible basis of understanding, by adhering to the conventions that are contained in language.

Orography

An ontology of power is based on a toponomy of knowledge. Every natural description of the basic constituents of nature, no matter how apparently evident, has to produce a realignment that maintains order, affording the persistence of a certain modus of power, of cogency. Science as a system of ideas producing and sustaining and orderly alignment of categories, is ingrained in the preservation of authority based a priori on individual reason instead of divine will and order, and thus introducing this very element in its basic ontology. Thus the recent interest in the rhetoric of since and abstract theories conveying political practices.(1) Power appears as an operation within a given configuration. Analyzing the given configuration can give us an insight into the operations that produce this system.

 

(1) “Theorizing is a politically significant practice.” S.Fuller and J.H. Collier, Philosophy, Rhetoric and the End of Knowledge. A new Beginning for Science and Technology Studies, New Jersey, 2004, xi.

In Economy and Society, Weber already mentioned the elective affinity between an economic model and a representation model in economy. If absolutism meant the transition of an agrarian society based on the sovereign as representative of the people of a state by God’s grace, and the industrial revolution operated a move towards the representation of the nation by means of the members of a Parliament chosen by the people. A new move towards an information society might require new ways of representing political will. What would be its vectors? What sort of representation would have an economy based on intangible packets of knowledge?

Hobbes, Rousseau and Schmitt stand at three important moments concerning the forging of the notion of sovereignty; the myth of Leviathan, the articulation of the general will, and the conception of a total state. Their writings instantiate relevant nuances in political philosophy, the transforming definition of sovereignty and their accompanying practices. They also developed parallel and coalescent conceptions of man in the sense of individual, sometimes implicitly, without a specific reference to it, but also recurrent in the base of their writings. We could pinpoint at the relation between those two concepts and how they were co-constructed. How the notions of man and power in society were configured along their conception of nature and knowledge in general, resorting to the peculiar relation between a particular metaphysics, an ontology, an anthropology, and a political analysis.(1)

Bourgeois- Sevenina BedBourgeois- Sevenina Bed

The rooting of their conceptions with the given notions as datum, the discourses, part of the plain of consistence in which they grow, would also be briefly sketched. Some sample of contiguous affirmations, related in a similar vein to the topics analyzed, will give us an impression, of the actual dispersion in the way these topics were addressed, sustaining an uneven but still coherent, commonly shaped, plane of construction.(2) Their coexistence and consistence affected the way people could possibly think about the matters discussed, and thus both limited and extended, contracted and dilated, the ways of knowing and saying. They presented political and social conceptions that eventually became entrenched in the practices, styles, and discourses, and reshaped both linguistic practices and assumed ontologies. In this sense, ideas became belief and were common ground in any possible discussion or understanding of man, society, and nature. Their configuration and insertion in these particular authors also reminds us how they were contrived by the way things could be thought up to them.(3)

 

(1) Concerning our first author cf. M. A. Bertman and M. Malherbe, Thomas Hobbes de la métaphysique à la politique, Paris, 1989. Y. C. Zarka and J. Bernhardt, Thomas Hobbes: philosophie première, théorie de la science et politique, Paris, 1990. On Hobbes’s modernity cf. D. Coli, La modernità di Thomas Hobbes, Bologna, 1995. M. Diesselhorst, Ursprünge des modernen Systemdenkens bei Hobbes, Stuttgart, 1968. P. Hoffman, The quest for power: Hobbes, Descartes, and the emergence of modernity, New Jersey, 1996. R. P. Kraynak, History and modernity in the thought of Thomas Hobbes, Ithaca, 1990.
(2) Quentin Skinner has thought this relation in terms of text/context, the reconstruction of the context being required to attain a proper understanding of the aims conveyed in the text, its uses. But intentions, like attitudes, always remain on a plain of consistence. What matters to authors is the construction and this analysis implies a coordinated activity that exceeds singular intentions. The references to the context are highlighted here not in terms of any intentionality but rather as means, as the elements used coetaneously. Cf. the monumental Q. Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought 2 vols., Cambridge, 1978. Q. Skinner, “The State”, T. Ball et al. (eds.), Political Innovation and Conceptual Change, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 90-131.
(3) Rather than an itinerary of judgment ours will be, as Kavanagh points out, an itinerary of comprehension. T.M. Kavanagh, Writing the Truth. Authority and Desire in Rousseau, Berkeley, 1987.

To Foucault the main questions that remained open to philosopy were about truth, power and self.(1) He dwelt with them as a microphysics of power and a hermeneutics of the subject. His work aims at clarifying the discursive formations, at analyzing them in their historical apparition. We will scrutinize them under the forms of our knowledge about nature, our conception of man as an individual and of the social power entrenched in the notion of sovereignty as well as their common underpinnings. The classical conception of sovereignty and the ground on which it stands, – the king’s head-, had not been ultimately severed.(2) This head comfortably rests on an orography sustained by central concepts about nature, man and society. A frame to explain the elective affinity between the formulation of those two elements within the discourses and their alledged modern character is proposed here.

Attempting to portray a general period runs the risk of blurring its image until letting it unrecognizable for it can be deemed to be produced with diverse patches assembled to the author’s taste.1 On the other hand, the resort to particular authors ought to canvass their inflection in response to a certain given relief and how a plane of construction was to be deployed. Turning to them as representations of the available intersecting strands, moments, rather than as atemporal singular monuments, offers the possibility of a precise scrutiny and reflection on a period. I also adopt this convention to show how both notions coalesce, are thought co-currently; how two concepts are grafted together, their concrete frame of implication. An author will be handled as the emplacement of diverse discourses, situated in a noetic space, both recipient and actor, in a plane of construction, on a plain of consistence. The intention is to highlight how these three authors construct their notions of individual and sovereignty in a certain correspondence, and how this correspondence also delimits the possibilities of their interactions, of the relation between man and power.

1. L.H. Martin et al., Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault, London, 1988, p. 15.
2. “Dans la pensée et l’analyse politique, on n’a toujours pas coupé la tête du roi.” M. Foucault, Histoire de la sexualité. La volonté de savoir , Paris, 1976, p. 117. His assertion seems to recover certain traits also prensent in Hobbes’s affirmation: “They did not challenge the sovereignty in plain terms, and by that name, till they had slain the King…” Behemoth, I, (M. VI, p. 197).

We could hinge on Burckhardt’s study to find the echo of a question regarding the tenets of modernity and its historical composition: a temporal limit traced by two central concepts ingrained in its process and structure that conveyed the construction of a historical category. Firstly, the character of modernity shall be scrutinized, especially after some voices have proclaimed not only modernity as an unfinished project,(1) but as a vacuous historical category.(2) This could be studied in the formulation of Hobbes, and both his concept of individual and his theoretical foundation of an ultimate political authority, -the notion of sovereignty-. Modernity like Renaissance, as a historical category, became paradigmatic with the Enlightenment and the assertion of the progressive capacities of man and his liberation from prejudice and oppression, from the vestiges of a previous arrangement of forces and attitudes. Still this rearrangement had a luminary critic in Jean-Jacques Rousseau, how far did he actually reconfigure the plane of construction departing from or in clear opposition to the light of reason? His writings already give us a hint about the likely transformations that those two concepts, individual and sovereign, suffered. How they were molded and intertwined, how they adapted to and forged new conditions of existence. Their transfigurations and mutual underpinnings are the object of this work; their readjustment and the orders and transitions of their interaction.

alfred kubin- Self-contemplation (1901)Alfred Kubin ‘Self-contemplation’ (1901)

For a convulsive period like the twentieth century it is difficult to obtain a complete account of its manifold aspects. Carl Schmitt’s work portrayed two very different worlds, on the one hand, the raise of irrationalism and the demise of the Enlightened project together with its common technical cum rational cum liberal tradition. He has been controversely addressed, to his own probable dislike, as a precursor of post-modern thought,(3) as well as the last great political metaphysician.(4) Involved in the conceptual field of the Third Reich, his thought shifted after the end of the Second World War and exemplifies a change of tides. A shift that might help understanding the palpable mutations and the concerned possibilities of assertion and comprehension.(5) The aftermath of the two world wars is regarded as an inflexion whose shade is casted up to our days and can possibly help us tracing imaginary ruptures, conceptual changes that have become ingrained in other schemes, within the silent murmur of thought’s undercurrents. But do our conceptions have rested, have they lasted? Do they aptly correspond to their original sense? How did they transform? Are they syncopated in relation to the circumstances we live in, to the challenges we face?

1 J. Habermas, Die Moderne, ein unvollendetes Projekt. Philosophisch-Politische Aufsätze 1977-1990, Leipzig, 1992.
2 B. Latour, Nous n’avons jamais été modernes. Essai d’anthropologie symetrique, Paris, 1991.
3 J.-F. Kervégan, “Carl Schmitt and ‘World Unity’”, Ch. Mouffe, The challenge of Carl Schmitt, London, 1999, p. 54.
4 J. Derrida, Politiques de l’amitié suivi de L’oreille de Heidegger, Paris, 1994, p. 277.
5 According to Waechter’s well-informed work, Schmitt addresses a problem that surpasses his productive horizon, cf. K. Waechter, Studien zum Gedanken der Einheit des Staates: über die rechtphilosophische Auflösung der Einheit des Subjektes, Berlin, 1994.