Methodology

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Nominalism and voluntarism paved the way to the admission of sole beings independent of any superior structure, obtaining a will and, ultimately, sufficient reason. This can be observed in the fifteenth century humanization of the divine, movement of immanence, of the naturalization of representation.(1) The previously given transcendent order commenced its dissipation. The multiplication of beings and the correlative possibilities afforded the institution of order, both of a physis, a legalization of nature, and of a nomos, an assertion of earthly powers. These two immanent moves succeeded in describing and shaping the given into an order and thereby proposing a basic ontology: an ontology of power that extended, within a novel configuration of elements, the operation, the necessity of order.(2) Order is a byproduct of the configuration of the noetic space. The quest for consistency in systems of thought reproduces the organization of reason and extends to the social order. Thus language appears as our insertion in society, our acceptance of its immanent order and the appropriation of an identity. Order thus became the form of regulation, the subterfuge that necessarily had to frame the conditions of existence of any power, making it arise from the set of ideas accepted, becoming entrenched in the unfolding of natural philosophy. The progressive incorporation of natural philosophy in the noetic space conveyed the marginalization of the central emplacement obtained by God, – a displaced constellation, gravitating around new central concepts-, the fundamental metaphors in a modern stratification of knowledge and a novel arrangement of power.

 

(1) Cf. T. Todorov, Éloge de l’individu. Essai sur la peinture flamande, Paris, 2001.
(2)In this sense cf. P. Anderson, The lienages of the absolutist state, London, 1979, depicting the transformations necessary in the machinary of the state for a social class, the nobles, to maintain their status, a new configuration of the feudal order.

A multiplicity of opinions and texts crosscut, producing an orography assimilated in the discourses and practices,  and thus becoming the rule for assessing the validity of statements and actions in general. In this manner, they become common place and shape common sense. Any apt member of a community of speakers has to address certain topics by recurring to those formulations to be understandable. It is their amalgamation, the accumulation and juxtaposition of diverse texts, – thinkers, pamphleteers, ideologists and reformers-, that configure, despite their divergence, a possible basis of understanding, by adhering to the conventions that are contained in language.

Orography

An ontology of power is based on a toponomy of knowledge. Every natural description of the basic constituents of nature, no matter how apparently evident, has to produce a realignment that maintains order, affording the persistence of a certain modus of power, of cogency. Science as a system of ideas producing and sustaining and orderly alignment of categories, is ingrained in the preservation of authority based a priori on individual reason instead of divine will and order, and thus introducing this very element in its basic ontology. Thus the recent interest in the rhetoric of since and abstract theories conveying political practices.(1) Power appears as an operation within a given configuration. Analyzing the given configuration can give us an insight into the operations that produce this system.

 

(1) “Theorizing is a politically significant practice.” S.Fuller and J.H. Collier, Philosophy, Rhetoric and the End of Knowledge. A new Beginning for Science and Technology Studies, New Jersey, 2004, xi.

In Economy and Society, Weber already mentioned the elective affinity between an economic model and a representation model in economy. If absolutism meant the transition of an agrarian society based on the sovereign as representative of the people of a state by God’s grace, and the industrial revolution operated a move towards the representation of the nation by means of the members of a Parliament chosen by the people. A new move towards an information society might require new ways of representing political will. What would be its vectors? What sort of representation would have an economy based on intangible packets of knowledge?

Hobbes, Rousseau and Schmitt stand at three important moments concerning the forging of the notion of sovereignty; the myth of Leviathan, the articulation of the general will, and the conception of a total state. Their writings instantiate relevant nuances in political philosophy, the transforming definition of sovereignty and their accompanying practices. They also developed parallel and coalescent conceptions of man in the sense of individual, sometimes implicitly, without a specific reference to it, but also recurrent in the base of their writings. We could pinpoint at the relation between those two concepts and how they were co-constructed. How the notions of man and power in society were configured along their conception of nature and knowledge in general, resorting to the peculiar relation between a particular metaphysics, an ontology, an anthropology, and a political analysis.(1)

Bourgeois- Sevenina BedBourgeois- Sevenina Bed

The rooting of their conceptions with the given notions as datum, the discourses, part of the plain of consistence in which they grow, would also be briefly sketched. Some sample of contiguous affirmations, related in a similar vein to the topics analyzed, will give us an impression, of the actual dispersion in the way these topics were addressed, sustaining an uneven but still coherent, commonly shaped, plane of construction.(2) Their coexistence and consistence affected the way people could possibly think about the matters discussed, and thus both limited and extended, contracted and dilated, the ways of knowing and saying. They presented political and social conceptions that eventually became entrenched in the practices, styles, and discourses, and reshaped both linguistic practices and assumed ontologies. In this sense, ideas became belief and were common ground in any possible discussion or understanding of man, society, and nature. Their configuration and insertion in these particular authors also reminds us how they were contrived by the way things could be thought up to them.(3)

 

(1) Concerning our first author cf. M. A. Bertman and M. Malherbe, Thomas Hobbes de la métaphysique à la politique, Paris, 1989. Y. C. Zarka and J. Bernhardt, Thomas Hobbes: philosophie première, théorie de la science et politique, Paris, 1990. On Hobbes’s modernity cf. D. Coli, La modernità di Thomas Hobbes, Bologna, 1995. M. Diesselhorst, Ursprünge des modernen Systemdenkens bei Hobbes, Stuttgart, 1968. P. Hoffman, The quest for power: Hobbes, Descartes, and the emergence of modernity, New Jersey, 1996. R. P. Kraynak, History and modernity in the thought of Thomas Hobbes, Ithaca, 1990.
(2) Quentin Skinner has thought this relation in terms of text/context, the reconstruction of the context being required to attain a proper understanding of the aims conveyed in the text, its uses. But intentions, like attitudes, always remain on a plain of consistence. What matters to authors is the construction and this analysis implies a coordinated activity that exceeds singular intentions. The references to the context are highlighted here not in terms of any intentionality but rather as means, as the elements used coetaneously. Cf. the monumental Q. Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought 2 vols., Cambridge, 1978. Q. Skinner, “The State”, T. Ball et al. (eds.), Political Innovation and Conceptual Change, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 90-131.
(3) Rather than an itinerary of judgment ours will be, as Kavanagh points out, an itinerary of comprehension. T.M. Kavanagh, Writing the Truth. Authority and Desire in Rousseau, Berkeley, 1987.

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