In the second edition of De Cive (1647) doubts were casted on monarchy being the sole most appropriate political regime. After Cromwell’s boost, Hobbes’s dictum regarding the most suitable government seemed to shift towards a monarchic ideal since Leviathan.(1) Envy appeared as the greatest obstacle for most people in recognizing monarchy’s blessing and superiority. A sign of this superiority could be observed in the fact that power to wage war belonged only to the sovereign as well as all kinds of military actions.(2) Against those who kept belief in a traditional mixed monarchy, counterweighted by several other instances. he insisted in its spurious character.(3)
Following Hobbes’s theory of language, there was no reason for the classical distinction between corrupted and good governments; they just exemplify the particular opinion of individuals and their adherents.(4) The difference among possible regimes came down to whether the representative was a single person or a plurality, and Hobbes stressed how the condemnation of a monarchy for being a tyranny was a question of personal pleasure or displeasure rather than an objective statement.(5) The suitability of a government had to be judged according to its capacity in maintaining the highest good of the political system, its ability attaining and conserving peace, according to the first law of nature for private and public interests coincide in this political system.(6)
The possibility of there being a tyrant, in the use of that predicate, was banished since the annihilatio mundi had dissolved any stable link to reality. Hobbes’s construction deactivated such a line of judgment on the plain of consistence by means of a rearrangement of elements in the plane of construction. Sovereignty was not only legitimized, but the logical possibilities of being dismantled in political discourse were also precluded. He who denominated tyrant to a king was simply making a personal judgment with no relation to any actual state of the world. The king shall not be dethroned for no member of the commonwealth could assert what good and bad was, especially against the institution that established moral conduct.
Traditional forms of legitimation were being debunked or kept precariously by the struggles occurring during Hobbes’s productive period, -a modern rational legitimation was needed. The King had been the Head of the state, a process of abstraction involved the modern concept of sovereignty within a net of conceptions related to the legal order, rather than the mortal and frail figure of the king-person developed since the fifteenth century. The cover representation of Leviathan became the depiction of a foundation in which the king became, consistently with the post-Copernican noetic space, equated to the sun. All the individuals composing him conformed a procession directed towards the head of the sovereign, replacing, transferring, the ‘caput Christi’.(7)
We will have to wait more than a century to reproduce the situation lived by Hobbes on the Continent, after the king and sovereignty as, the principal attribute of the state, were rejoined. “They did not challenge the sovereignty in plain terms, and by that name, till they had slain the King…”(8) When the subject is king, the king becomes subject, -the individual is invested with sovereignty and the sovereign turned into an individual.
(1) In the preface of De Cive he admits, “…Monarchy is the most commodious government (which one thing alone I confesse in this whole book not to be demonstrated, but only probably stated) yet every where I expresly say, that in all king of Government whatsoever, there ought to be a supreme and equall power.” Nevertheless he later endeavours in demonstrating why monarchy is to be prefered, “Now that Monarchy of the foresaid forms, of Democracy, Aristocraty, and Monarchy, hath the preheminence, will best appear by comparing the conveniences and inconveniences arising in each of them,” Ibid. X, 3 also see Hobbes’ conclusion in ibid. X, 19.
(2) “But it is a manifest sign, that the most absolute Monarchy is the best state of government….” De Cive X, 17.
(3) “Only that fault, which was generally in the whole nation, which was, that they thought the government of England was not an absolute, but a mixed monarchy,” Behemoth III (M. VI, p. 306). After conceiving the instituton of the sovereign by covenant, Hobbes is able to attribute all authority to him. According to Bobbio his main target was the unity of the sovereign that assured the stability lost in England, he preferred unity to autonomy. Carl Schmitt sees the reunification of authority from the diverse instances as Hobbes’s principal concern, the concentration of the might disbanded in the feudal organization. “Für Hobbes kommt es darauf an, durch den Staat die Anarchie des feudalen, ständischen oder kirchlichen Widerstandrechts und den daraus fortwährend neu entbrennenden Bürgerkrieg zu überwinden un dem mittelalterlichen Pluralismus, den Herrschaftsansprüchen der Kirchen und anderer „indirekter“ Gewalten die rational Einheit einer eindeutigen, eines wirksamen Schutzes fähigen Macht und eines berechenbar funktionierenden Legalitätssystems entgegenzusetzen,“ C. Schmitt, op. cit., p. 113.
(4) “…so as we see these names betoken not as diverse kinde of Government, but the diverse opinions of the Subjects concerning him who hath the Supreme Power.” De Cive VII, 2.
(5) Leviathan II, 19, 2.
(6) “From whence it follows, that where the public and the private interest are most closely united, there is the public most advanced. Now in monarchy, the private interest is the same with the public. The riches, power, and honour of a monarch arise only from the riches, strength and reputation of his subjects,” Leviathan II, 19, 4.
(7) H. Brederkamp, Thomas Hobbes visuelle Strategien. Der Leviathan. Das Urbild des modernen Staates. Werkillustrationen und Portraits, Berlin, 1999.
(8) Behemoth, I, (M. VI, p. 197)






