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Francisco Bayeu - Lunch on the Field - WGA01518

Rousseau’s idealization of nature ran parallel to his deprecation of man’s creativity and invention. “Les hommes, dans leur travaux, ne font rien de beau que par imitation. Tous les vrais modèles du goût sont dans la nature.”(1) Other thinkers opted for a denaturalization of man. An example thereof can be found in his controversy with Voltaire regarding the goodness of creation.(2) To Rousseau all evil is caused by the abuse and misuse of man’s faculties awakened by his self-awareness. An awareness that stemmed from a distorted image, a mirage of his actual involvement within nature. Hence the enervation of certain elements and a novel configuration in the plane of construction.

Thus the other purpose served by Rousseau’s idea of nature was to contrast it with nurture, education, and human conventions.(3) Nature was related to the naïve, to the innocent, to childhood; human institutions and their ineluctable injustice were related to adulthood and falsity. Nature was symmetrically opposed to the civilized, to the urban, to men’s achievements.

Rousseau transmuted the manipulative modern conception of a caesura between man and nature into the possibility of an ecstatic communion. He established a Platonic dialectic commencing from the vegetable reign that ended in a quietist rapture, an absence from preoccupations, from the noise and coldness of the city. Rather than ascending through the human form to achieve the contemplation of ideas, it was by means of a direct involvement in nature, in creation, that a vital sacred communion could be gained.

(1) Émile IV [Seuil III, p. 233]. Cf Discours sur les sciences et les arts where Rousseau related the moral decadence associate dto the progress of the arts and sciences, establishing a counterpoint on relation to his enlightened contemporaries.
(2) Voltaire, Poème sur le Désastre de Lisbonne ou examen de cet axiome ‘tout est bien’ (1756). His attack on Leibniz is clearly felt in this work that will have a follow up in his Candide (1759), mocking again on the idea of the most perfect of all possible worlds. Nonetheless Rousseau who did not read this last work, saw in it a response of Voltaire on the content with him.
(3) Despite this general character there are certain contradictions in his account. Dealing with his own wife he states, “Je voulus d’abord former son esprit: J’y perdis ma peine. Son esprit est ce que l’a fait la nature; la culture et les soins n’y prennent pas,” Confessions VII [Seuil I, p. 248].

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AACHEN, Hans von - Portrait of Emperor Rudolf II - WGA

Hobbes was confronted with a certain specific historical situation in comparison to Marsillio, being compromised with the Anglicane excision from Catholicism, based on regal potentate. Yet he did not only support it on the basis of the maxim ‘cuius regio, eius religio’; he went further and proposed a synthesis based on power. Both the civil and religious domains were two spheres of power and all power was to be attributed to the sole absolute sovereign. The conventional master, the sovereign was also invested with the maximum officium in ecclesiastical matters.(1) The sword of justice should prevail on the shield of faith and both reunited under a single aegis. Using his talent in Biblical interpretation, Hobbes claimed that already since the times of Moses “…the power both of state and religion were in the kings…”(2) In the last resource “…both State, and Church are the same man.”3

This was easily reconcilable with his religious intuitions. There only existed terrestrial salvation, as we are bound to earth. Dualism is integrated by means of the extension of his theory of man and the achievement of immanence.

Temporal and spiritual government, are but two words brought into the world, to make men see double, and mistake their lawful sovereign. It is true, that the bodies of the faithful, after the resurrection, shall be not only spiritual, but eternal; but in this life they are gross, and corruptible.(4)

(1) “It followeth also, that there is on earth, no such universal Church, as all Christians are bound to obey; because there is no power on earth, to which all other commonwealths are subject…” Leviathan III, 39, 4.
(2) Leviathan III, 40, 13. He exemplifies this further by crediting the fact that Moses, civil authority, was also the only interpreter of God’s word, cf. De Cive XVI, 14.
(3) Leviathan III, 42, 79.
(4) Leviathan III, 39, 5. “Men cannot serve two masters: they ought therefore to ease them, either by holding the reins of government wholly in their own hands; or by wholly delivering them into the hands of the Pope, that such men as are willing to be obedient, may be protected in their obedience. For this distinction of temporal and spiritual power is but words,” Leviathan III, 42, 123.

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The resonance of the religious Reformation, of enormous influence in England, could be sensed since the dispute of Henry VIII with the Papacy and the proclamation of the Act of Supremacy. The English sovereign was also beset at Hobbes’s times by diverse sects and congregations that exercised an important strength on the political issues in debate. Anabaptists, Presbyterians, Fifth-monarchy-men, among others, were involved in the instability of England, propagating erroneous ideas.(1)

Despite his acute criticism of certain Christian tenets, Hobbes remained apparently a faithful believer. His expertise in Scriptural affairs would favour several unorthodox interpretations and judgments that created an echoing polemic.(2) Rather than accepting openly an orthodox reading of Scripture, embracing them with a blind faith, Hobbes, sincere Protestant, attempted to make sense of them by means of the natural gift granted to each man by God: reason. Nevertheless, tempering this assertion, he admitted the existence of a certain knowledge by ‘conformity of doctrine’.(3)

Henry VIII

Henry VIII

(1) Hobbes blames part of the manners and attitudes introduced by the Reformation: “And these were the enemies which arose against his Majesty from the private interpretation of the Scripture, exposed to every man’s scanning in the mother-tongue,” Behemoth, I (M. VI, p. 167).

(2) On the critics of Hobbes, that were no few, cf. S.I. Mintz, The Hunting of Leviathan. Seventeenth-Century Reactions to the Materialism and Moral Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, New York, 1962. In his Appendix Mintz indicates the long list of writings poured on our author, the ‘bug-bear of the nation’.

(3) “The knowledge therefore we have of good and evil inspiration, cometh not by vision of an angel that may teach it, nor by a miracle that may seem to confirm it; but by conformity of doctrine with this article and fundamental point of Christian faith…” Elements of Law, XI, 7.

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Despite nova scientia’s influence on Hobbes, we can detect a ceratin humanistic bias(1) in his project. This is evident especially in his latter and more influential Leviathan, the traits of both the style and character of rhetoric, a relapse after his early deductive phase. Deductivism did not imply the plain conclusion of political science from natural philosophy,(2) but the inspiration it gave to renew the attitudes towards knowledge and the possibility of a true, coherent, scientia civilis, that united diverse provinces using the central metaphors, the framework, of the philosophia prima.
The importance of the senses, of experience subverting the influence of tradition, had a dated precedence in the work of Renaissance artists, but it still kept a residue of Platonism and idealism.(3) The representation of space and the laws of perspective introduced the tools to a complete geometrization of space. Sense-data had to be tempered with the conditions of an inert space where bodies were placed, rather than with authority or the conditions afforded by the plain of consistence.
Galileo, looking to the skies, discovered a moving body, a comet, in 1604. This observation sufficed to cast doubts on the cosmology of the eminent Aristotle, composed of immutable supra-lunar bodies. The stress on perception is a landmark of a different outlook, a shifting pattern, towards nature. Classically senses were deemed to deceive us, a rational order was required to correct our vision. Galileo preferred observation to the Aristotelian idea of incorruptibility. His experience prevailed on any previous conception, displaced to substratum rather than remaining on the plane of construction.(4) Denying the senses afforded the idea of a unity of the world that started decomposing when the individual’s senses acquired a position of preeminence to grasp the surrounding cosmos, becoming the principal assumption of Kepler’s vision theory, subjectified by Hobbes.(5) Optics recreated a theory of knowledge and resorted to a geometrization of space; ontology and epistemology converged in the same three-dimensional coordinate system.

Galileo's telescope

Galileo's telescope

(1) Cf. especially Q. Skinner, Reason and Rhetoric in the Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, Cambridge, 1996. The inherited conception was that Hobbes, admired by the achievements in natural science, attempted an application of its method to political philosophy. Skinner shows, on the other hand, the profound impact of rhetoric in his work.
(2) “Hobbes’s formal science of rights and obligations assumes the existence of a human nature which can be described by a mechanistic science of causes; but it is not itself a product of that science,” N. Malcolm, “Hobbes’s science of politics and his theory of science”, B. Willms et al., Hobbes Oggi, Milano, 1990, p. 157.
(3) Cf. E. Panofsky, Idea: Ein Beitrag zur Begriffsgeschichte der älteren Kunstheorie, Berlin, 1989. E. Panofsky, A. Koyré and N. Heinrich, Galilée: critique d’art suivi de Attitude esthétique et pensée scientifique, Paris, 1993.
(4) This is also the final outcome of the ideal of Renaissance painters, turning their observation on the laws of perspective and vision to display a reliable portrait of nature. In this sense we can understand Garin’s contention about the respect of the text that obfuscates the very thing itself. Only with Renaissance the empirical study of nature obtained a soil of development, “L’homme se situe au centre de son monde et il est lui-même microcosme; et l’ensemble est uni dans un ordre rationel, dont l’homme est comme la synthèse et la formule abrégée. Mais c’est l’observation de la nature qui nous offre le secret du développement de l’homme et elle nous indique donc les voies de sa formation.” E. Garin, L’éducation de l’homme moderne 1400-1600, Paris, 1968, p. 212.
(5) Cf. V. Ronchi, “Préface”, De Homine, Paris, 1974, pp. 16 ff.

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The nova scientia reckoned upon experience rather than authority or any legacy from the past. In Il Nunzio sidereo (1610) Galileo described his first observations of the heavens by means of an artifact,- the telescope. Following this inspiration, Hobbes criticized hardly those who prefer to follow blindly the ideas expressed in books rather than a direct, immediate, investigation of nature, for it was better to be ignorant than to support falsity.(1) Among those he counted the schools and universities. He especially discredited the school-way, object of mockery in his treatises.(2) Hobbes had a low esteem for the disputes maintained in the universities since his studies in Oxford, having to defend the most useless arguments to attain the Bachelor of Arts.(3) In his debate with John Brahmall about the liberty and necessity of human action and the divine design, he openly accused his enemies:

Here again he discovereth the true cause why he and other Schoolmen so often speak absurdly. For they speak without conception of the things, and by rote, one receiving what he saith from another by tradition, from some puzzled divine or philosopher, that to decline a difficulty speaks in such manner as not be understood.(4)

Instead of assuming a discourse resting on a given plain of consistence already in proccess of displacement, Hobbes opted for a rational construction that made it coherent whit the new science.The schoolmen’s discourse was broken asunder into absurdities and mistakes and had to leave space for an accurate reading into the book of nature and its mathematical symbolism. The mere respect for tradition stood on rotten ground, the conditions of possibility of a plane of construction put forth became also evident, “…the praise of ancient authors, proceeds not from the reverence of the dead, but from the competition, and mutual envy of the living.”(5)

Tartaglia- Nova Scientia

Tartaglia- Nova Scientia

(1) Leviathan, I, 4, 13. Not even Galileo was so harsh in his criticism for he admitted that even Aristotle, if he would have been in touch with the new discoveries, would have altered his ideas.
(2) “…for they believed the doctrine before, but admired the arguments because they understood them not…” Behemoth, I, (M. 185) Or, “And from these the schoolmen that succeeded, learnt the trick of imposing what they list upon their readers, and declining the force of true reason by verbal forks; I mean, distinctions that signify nothing, but serve only to astonish the multitude of ignorant men,” Behemoth, I, (M. 214).
(3) A.P. Martinich, op. cit., p. 12. “Three questions about Aristotle’s philosophy were asked, and the candidate had to answer all of them. In 1608, the following two sets of questions were used in the Faculty of Arts:
1. Whether it would be better if there were one language throughout the world than the various languages of the diverse nations.
2. Whether a new inundation of water [over the whole earth] would be a greater catastrophe than all of it freezing.
3. Whether anyone thinks that he is stupid.
1. Whether ignorance is the mother of arrogance.
2. Whether the earth is a magnet by nature.
3. Whether it is appropriate for a woman to listen to moral philosophy.” The obtuse character of these questions does not seem far from the Byzantine controversies regarding the angels’ sex.
(4) The Questions Concerning Liberty, Necessity and Chance, Animadversions upon Bishop’s reply n. XXXIII, (M. V, p. 397).
(5) Leviathan, Summary, and Conclusion, 15.

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“E a chi si ha da ricorrere per definire la nostra controversia, levato che fusse di seggio Aristotile? qual altro autore si ha da seguitare nelle scuole, nelle academie, nelli studi? qual filosofo ha scritto tutte le parti della natural filosofia, e tanto ordinadamente, senza lasciar indietro pur una particolar conclusione ? adunque si deve desolar quella fabrica, sotto la quale si ricuoprono tanti viatori? Si deve destrugger quell’asilo, quell Pritaneo, dove tanto agiatamente si ricoverano tanti studiosi, dove, senza sporsi all’ingiurie dell’aria, col solo rivoltar poche carte, si acquistano tutte le cognizioni della natura ? si ha da spiantar quel propugnacolo, dove contro ad ogni nimico assalto in sicureza si dimora?”

G. Galilei, Dialoghi dei Massimi Sistemi, Giornata Prima, 1632.


After Galileo’s publication of his Dialoghi dei Massimi Sistemi in 1632, the foundational text of modern science, -a defense of the Copernican system and the consequent criticism of the Aristotelian and Catholic geocentric universe-, in 1634, Hobbes had the opportunity, in his third trip to the Continent, to meet the natural philosopher –‘philosophus maximus’ according to his Anti-White-, under home arrest in Florence due to his defended theses.
After his visit to Galileo, Hobbes possibly developed the ambition of laying down the ground of moral philosophy in conformity with the new scientific principles. Moral philosophy was meant to be the logical outcome of a renewed natural philosophy, of a novel standpoint towards nature and knowledge. The first obstacle in this enterprise were the accepted opinions, opposed to knowledge, in a Platonic sense, that infected the realm of political philosophy. In the same vein as Descartes, he raised his suspicion concerning the Aristotelian edifice and endeavored in constructing a demonstrative science anew.
In his Dialoghi Galileo had discussed the principles and observations related to both the Aristotelian and the Copernican model. The latter banished not only the former’s physics, but also its amalgamation with the Christian doctrine: their integration in a common plane of construction, particularly in their belief of a universe centered on earth. Galileo also came with the foundation of two new sciences in his Dialoghi delle nuove scienze (1638), -the strength of materials and the motion of objects-, dignifying the mechanical conception, quantitative, and based in the principles of matter and movement, against the Aristotelian-Thomist nature, both qualitative and active.

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The a priori foundation of the social system was put into question because of a major feeblenesses: war. War was to Hobbes a limit to rationality; it supposed not only the end of society, but also its substance: life. This was his point of departure, man, rather than between beast and God, somewhere in the midst of his rugged existence as a mere body and his existence in a community, -his faithful understanding and obedience-, a citizen. In his various works he underscored the necessity of avoiding at any cost any form of struggle, with special and insisting mention to civil war;(1) the barbarousness that destroyed both the bodies and their assemblies, the body political.
A philosophical plan had to be developed, the construction of a system starting up with the body as the basic constituent of a disenchanted, inert, nature, -the substrate of existence-, rather than with any kind of Aristotelian assertion about an immaterial being or form. This would be followed up by man as a particular bodily existent, with very precise faculties, and arranged according to the two basic principles of nature: matter and movement. Hence, attaining the interaction of these privileged beings that enter into mutual obligation in the constitution of a higher entity.(2) Such a project was probably already conceived in 1631, after frequenting the circle of Marin Mersenne in Paris, surrounded by other thinkers, -Pierre Gassendi or René Descartes among them-, and visiting the designer of the new system of natural philosophy, Galileo, in Florence. His Elementa Philosophiae was to be composed of three sections: De Corpore, De Homine, De Cive, suturing the diverse joints of philosophy: prima, moralis, and civilis into a coherent whole. This outline had to be altered due to the preemptory circumstances in England that provoked his flight and the death of the king, Charles I. Yet the modification of his composition did not alter dramatically the basic conception of his system. A system that was crowned by a Biblical beast created to protect man, for his security, and the most important goal of a community, Leviathan “…is made so as not to be afraid.”(3)
Leviathan had been eclipsed during the elaboration of his project by a similar beast, one that did not offer any aplomb to people, a figure of uncertainty, of man’s exile from Paradise:

‘And that day will two monsters be parted, one monster, a female named Leviathan in order to dwell in the abyss of the ocean over the fountains of water; and (the other), a male called Behemoth, which holds his chest in an invisible desert whose name is Dundayin, east of the garden of Eden.’ (1 Enoch 60:7-8)

English Civil War
(1) This is repeated in all his major works including those treating with apparently unrelated topics like physics, cf. De Corpore, I, 7.
(2) De Corpore, I, 9 in fine.
(3) Leviathan, II, 28, 27.

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His political essays and disputes gain a clarification from the vantage point of his later work, Behemoth, an open and tough account of the struggles between the King, Parliament and Army around the middle of the century in England, span of time in which Hobbes published his political treatises;(1) a time of corruption and turn in values.(2)

These compositions were affected by the actual turmoil, but still reutilized the pieces of the decomposing system, the given threads and knots, to refurbish the noetic space, a sedimentation of the existing discourses used to sustain the series that concur in supporting the mental configuration of a social system, a plain of consistence, yielding a novel arrangement of forces under a mutated discourse.

Hobbes can be placed between the major philosophical currents that developed in the seventeenth century, dividing the Continent from the British Islands.(3) This intersection was certainly provoked by his close contact with the continental ‘state of the art’ thought. His frequent trips to France and his contact with major natural philosophers produced a profound impact in his writings. Still, he remained close to Francis Bacon and inheritor of a long tradition founded by English Nominalists, but did not miss the tendencies surging in the European mainland. His empiricism had to be seasoned with the significance of reason as an arbiter of experience.

(1) The likely justification of all his previous work can be found indeed in the very beginning of his Behemoth: “If in time, as in place, there were degrees of high and low, I verily believe that the highest of time would be that which passed between 1640 and 1660. For he that thence, as from the Devil’s Mountain, should have looked upon the world and observed the actions of men, especially in England, and of all kinds of injustice, and of all kinds of folly, that the world could afford, and how they were produced by their hypocrisy and self-conceit, whereof the one is double iniquity, and the other double folly.” The exceptional character of these deeds where required by his philosophizing that had to find a theoretical ground to anchor a return to peace and quietness.
(2) “…people where corrupted generally, and disobedient persons esteemed the best patriots.” Behemoth, I, (M.VI, p. 166).
(3) His biographer, Martinich, puts it this way: “Is Hobbes an empiricist or a rationalist? The answer depends on how those terms are defined. He is an empiricist in the sense that he maintains that all of the substantive terms of a proposition must be traceable to sensation. He is a rationalist in the sense that he maintains that all scientific knowledge is necessary,” A.P. Martinich, Hobbes. A Biography, Cambridge, 1999, p. 131. This intersection helped him attaining von Ranke’s characterization as an ‘epochal philosopher’.

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“For the sovereign, is the public soul, giving life and motion to the commonwealth; which expiring, the members are governed by it no more, than the carcase of a man, by his departed (though immortal) soul.”

T. Hobbes, Leviathan II, 29, 23

Hobbes’s political analysis developed in a time of fear and distress.(1) He responded to it with a settlement that would have to accomplish the blossom of peace. The circumstances in Europe were intricate with a new order appearing from the ashes of the feudal society in a gradual process of centralization and reorganization after the bleeding religious schisms. Both the political practices and the traditional legitimation bestowed to the Christian Church started losing their unquestionable stance; their mutual encroachment in the social system.

The Thirty Years War, concluding with the Treaty of Westphalia and the declaration of autonomy and sovereignty of the states within the decaying Sacred Roman Empire, epitomized this process. The occasion was given for the spread and rooting of the ideas Hobbes shaped defending the cause of Royalism in England and molding the particular relation inherited between sovereign and subject. A subject that was gradually reformed into an individual and a citizen both in nature and civil society, -man’s self-conception-, able to institute a novel system of legitimacy.

Hobbes stood at the eve of profound changes within Western tradition. On the one hand, he assumed the new shape taking place in natural philosophy that supplanted the Aristotelian physics; on the other hand, he also sharpened the critique to traditional moral notions and especially to Christian faith. Since the coherence of both operated by Aquinas, the ideological vault of Western society had been interrelated and a critique of religion and philosophy had pervasive effects on the mental structure that equilibrated and tautened the modes of common social construction.(2) The philosopher of Malemsbury was able to extract a new interpretation of revelation that intensified his political attitude, maintaining, at least apparently, his faith, yet degrading the Christian supremacy, and ending up with a conception that cleared the way to the circumvention of God, both as transcendental principle, – savior–, and as immanent axiom, – creator-.

(1) In his biography it is mentioned how Hobbes’s mother incepted another child together with him: fear. Fear was both central tp his definition of individual and the necessity of a strong unified sovereign able to support life and peace.
(2) A more moderate account is given by Hobbes himself: “A schoolman is the Ghost of the Stagirite, in a body of condensed air: and Thomas but Aristotle sainted.” Leviathan, IV, 47,21.

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“To sabotage the social machine with some
consequence today means re-conquering and reinventing the means of interrupting
its networks”

The Coming Insurrection by The Invisible Committee

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